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I Don’t like the implications but

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-l-cavnar/is-the-drilling-moratoriu_

To Cavner the key issues are:
1. Only 4 of the dozen or so oil companies in the gulf have the resources to clean up a spill

dc: As efforts toward sustainability increase (Obama’s speech today may begin to show this) it will benefit large system management because the risks of shifting the parameters of energy dependence will be so risky.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com Stanford MAHB, Stanford Strategy Studio, Media X Shakespeare and Tao Consulting Http://dougcarmichael.com/blog Http://gardenworldpolitics.com 

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

Just finished reading David Hackett Fisher’s wonderful biography of the ride.

Revere did not ride alone that night: what he did was to trigger a network of couriers throughout new england, a network he had spent two years developing. As a reult, riders in DARPA like redundancy were able to move rapidly from the center to inform all the towns in New England of the march of the Regulars (couldn’t call them british because all the New Englanders thought of themselves as British citizens) began their march out to control weapons storage then under the control of the countryside.

Two key findings then.

1. New England was, from an informational point of view, ungovernable because of the distance and dispersion fro England. A true information failure. (for example, after Lexington. the Patriots sent a fast ship to England with printed broadsides of the Lexington encounter that arrived two weeks before the Royalists’ ship arrived, hence commanding the news cycle. This was done on purpose by the patriots).

2. Revere developed the first network with nodes and redundancy, with many riders rehearsed and ready to ride and spread the alarm.

Both of these factors will lay a role as we lurch toward sustainability, social disruptions will be large and information flow creating new networks will be very important.

This show once again that there is nothing that can be read that is so remote that it is not immediately useful.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com Stanford MAHB, Stanford Strategy Studio, Media X Shakespeare and Tao Consulting Http://dougcarmichael.com/blog Http://gardenworldpolitics.com

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

The NYT this morning has an article on a speech by FDIC chair Bair. She says we over did it on home ownership. but the problem was, spruces were increasing and it looked like it was worth it to buy now and watch the prices rise, as rents were also rising rapidly. that meant that slower income people had to spay more for housing in any case, sand ther tactic they took made sewnse (many sksf those folks still own their house bought on sub prime). Bairx’s speech fits the mold of blame the poor for buying, and hhe policy makers for trying to get them into ownership. wrong conclusion. This is important because, as we go through the changes necessary for climate response, we need to be accurate about the effects of policy on different parts of society.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com Stanford MAHB, Stanford Strategy Studio, Media X Shakespeare and Tao Consulting Http://dougcarmichael.com/blog Http://gardenworldpolitics.com

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

[PDF] 

Gross National Happiness and Development: An Essay MARK MANCALL 

Detailed and impressive history. It is this kind of out of the box that we need many examples of if we are to explore the possibilities for a sustainable world.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

Here is the crux. The following from Paul Krugman

Misplaced Optimism

I wish I could believe in this Macroeconomic Advisers claim that there is a zero chance of a double-dip recession. But when they say that this probability

is estimated as a function of the term slope of interest rates, stock prices, payroll employment, personal income, and industrial production

I immediately lose all confidence.

When short-term interest rates are up against the zero lower bound, a positive term spread tells you nothing; as I explained a year and half ago, it’s something that has to happen given the fact that short rates can go up, but not down.

Failure to understand this point led to excess optimism in late 2008. I’m a bit surprised to see Macroeconomic Advisers falling into the same fallacy now.

Note the tendency to think in terms of curves (slopes calculable with calculus) rather than structures (resources, corporations, who owns what, who gains, who loses, invention and technology, new management techniques, implications of the internet) it gets so abstract its only use is – interest rates (and cash flows and stuff financiers care about, not the real economy). This kind of large  number thinking is prevalent in the social sciences and we need to be aware of concepts without structure, such as “public opinion”.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

Here is a great review in SCIENCE  of a number of books that fit into MAHB mission.

 

ESSAY REVIEW:

The Climate Change Debates

Philip Kitcher

http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/328/5983/1230-a

 

After summarizing the American  books (you can read the whole review by clicking above)

 

Other climate scientists, like Mike Hulme (Universityof East Anglia), who live in societies where the level of discussion has usually been more informed, are inclined to see matters differently. They hold that continued debate reflects the genuine difficulties of the underlying issues and sometimes explicitly chide their colleagues (as Hulme does in Why We Disagree About Climate Change) for a tendency to "apocalyptic" pronouncements.

 

This is a very common view of the critics. The key for MAHB is to take on the "genuine difficulties" and help others to do so too.

 

. So, in reflections on the debates of the past decades, there opens up a genuine dispute about the role of scientists in influencing public policy, with some urging a stronger voice for expert testimony and others recommending reticence and even quietism. Hulme emphasizes the complexity of the third set of issues. He notes how they are intertwined with difficulties about understanding economic trends and changes, about global justice, about the values assigned to things that are hard to assess in economic terms (ecosystems, the continuation of particular forms of human social life), about practical geopolitics, and even about religious perspectives. Focusing on this intricate web of problems, he elaborates an extensive case for the naturalness of continued disagreement.

 

The naturalness of disagreement.

 

Hansen and Schneider might share Milton’s confidence that truth would ultimately emerge as victor. Yet the stories they tell in their gripping narratives reveal all too many points at which messages have been distorted and suppressed because of the short-term interests of economic and political agents.

 

And that has to be seen as part of the naturalness. Sure bad faith, but not only.  On the bad faith side

 

Merchants of Doubt, Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway offer convincing evidence for a surprising and disturbing thesis. Opposition to scientifically well-supported claims about the dangers of cigarette smoking, the difficulties of the Strategic Defense Initiative ("Star Wars"), the effects of acid rain, the existence of the ozone hole, the problems caused by secondhand smoke, and—ultimately—the existence of anthropogenic climate change was used in "the service of political goals and commercial interests" to obstruct the transmission to the American public of important information. Amazingly, the same small cadre of obfuscators figured in all these episodes.

 

But, on the naturalness,

 

For half a century, since the pioneering work of Thomas Kuhn (3), scholars who study the resolution of major scientific debates have understood how complex and difficult judgments about the probative value of data or the significance of unresolved problems can be. The major transitions in the history of the sciences, from the 16th and 17th centuries to the present, have involved intricate debates among competing research programs, among well-informed scientists who gave different weight to particular sorts of evidence.

 

It is important for MAHB to take into account the varieties of the ways and reasons people think and come to opinions. Kuhn is an excellent resource for MAHB.

 

Democratic ideals have their place in the conduct of inquiry, for it is arguable that there should be more communication between scientists and outsiders in the construction of research agendas, in the discussion of standards of acceptable risk, and in the articulation of policies based on scientific consensus.

 

The use of the phrase "outsiders" can lead to a simplification: that there are scientists and citizens. In fact intermediate organizations, also with strong interests, dominate the landscape, from "administrations" to corporations, corporate organizations like the Chambers of Commerce or the national Industrial Conference Board, and the press as a business.

 

Genuine democracy, however, requires a division of labor, in which particular groups are charged with the responsibility of resolving questions that bear on the interests of individuals and societies.

 

As above the interests are not just individuals and societies, but intermediate organizations of dominant power.

 

Other groups, those covering such questions in the media, have the duty to convey the results so that citizens can cast their votes as an enlightened expression of freedom, justifiably aimed at the outcomes for which they hope. Staging a brief disagreement between speakers with supposedly equal credentials, especially when it is not disclosed that one of them is answering to the economic aspirations of a very small segment of the society, is a cynical abnegation of that duty.

 

Scientists who believe that there are grave consequences for Earth and its future inhabitants face a difficult dilemma. They can talk in probabilistic terms—typically very imprecise probabilistic terms—about possible scenarios. If those potential futures are to be made vivid in ways that might engage citizens and inspire them to action, then the scenarios need to be given in some detail. Yet, as they become more specific, the precision about probabilities goes down, even to the extent that it is only responsible to declare that some outcome lies within the range of possibilities.

 

Graphics, from cartoons to video, that show causes, complexities and effects, have not been sufficiently explored. I am quite sure that for each of us, the sense of the climate reality is based in large part in pictures and graphs of all kinds that we have somewhat randomly come upon.

 

The review suggests that some think

 

if avoiding them really requires a serious modification of civilized life, then it seems better to adapt: relocate some polar bears to artificially cooled preserves; transport the unfortunate flood victims to higher ground.

 

A stereotype easily follows. The movement toward action derives from an ideology, one centered in a dislike of competitive market capitalism, a fondness for regulation, a tendency to give priority to the needs of the poor, and an overemphasis on environmental conservation. Global warming is a device used by Birkenstock-wearing, tree-hugging, business-hating liberal intellectuals for advancing their political aims.

 

So the motives for this stereotype are a defense of existing life against abstract possibilities. We need to deeply understand the balance in the minds of all participants.

 

The organization of Climate Change Science and Policy is particularly valuable, because of the volume’s focus on specific types of changes that would affect the lives of future people. It breaks free of the stereotypical concerns about marooned polar bears and dispossessed islanders to emphasize facts about rising sea levels and melting glaciers that are not sufficiently appreciated.

 

serious scholars from a variety of crucial disciplines have written valuable books on which future deliberations can build. Those deliberations will require a new synthesis that involves scientists, social scientists, historians—and others, too.

 

The MAHB mission, but how to do it? Who gets invited to what?

 

Giddens’s approach in The Politics of Climate Change has the advantage of increasing the chances for consensus. Like Hulme, he is much concerned to recognize the connections among global problems, insisting, from the beginning, that the challenges of responding to climate change and of meeting the energy needs of the human population must be faced in tandem. He differs from Hulme in not attempting any wide survey of sources of disagreement, and, as readers of his previous works might expect, he is lucid and precise in outlining potential courses of social action. If his book, conceived as a guide for the perplexed citizen, has a flaw, that lies in the breadth and number of the ideas he explores. Those ideas are offered in response to threats he views as profoundly serious:

 

More for MAHB

 

The review concludes,

 

 

It is an embarrassment (at least for me) that philosophers have not contributed more to this necessary conversation. We might clarify some of the methodological issues—for instance, those concerning the variety of risks involved in model-building. Perhaps more important, we could use recent ethical work on responsibilities to future generations and to distant people to articulate a detailed ethical framework that might help a planet’s worth of policy-makers find their way to consensus. With luck, a broader group of dedicated scholars may be galvanized by the books discussed here, so that the potential disasters Hansen and Schneider have been warning us about for 30 years will be averted. Perhaps, in the end, truth—and wisdom—will prevail.

 

Yet more guidance for MAHB

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

The standard views on the overall approach to the economy  are three

1.       Pull back on public  spending and cut deficit

2.       Spend more on infrastructure and create jobs

3.        Invest government money in new green technologies and energy transformation

All assume that a path of growth is a necessary good, and that the wealth held at the top should stay there. The first implies that lower incomes bear the brunt, the second that big construction and heavy equipment corporations lead the way and the third that we have a new bubble on green. Each ha reasonable aspects but each can be gamed so strongly that benefits are not likely to be realized. This context is where we are needling to move toward sustainability but few even consider it in  the equation, see for example

ehttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/10/AR2010061004971.html

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

Obama’s leadership is in question, from many angles.

“The bottom line: if you neglect all the offsets and loopholes, we’re aiming for a 4% reduction in carbon emissions from 1990 levels by 2020. Make your blood stir?  Obama’s not proposing real solutions to real problems; he’s ticking off items on a list. He got a health care bill, and just maybe he’ll get an energy bill (though that’s an increasingly slim "maybe").  But we don’t need the bill, we need the thing.

I’m putting this all on Obama, even though it’s clear that he can’t do it by himself. He’d need a movement to make real progress. That’s the tragedy, though: he’s already got a movement. He was elected with millions of us sending him money, knocking on doors, standing in snow banks with signs. He commands a standing army (albeit one that’s growing rusty from disuse and a little demoralized).

And it’s not just here. Across the world, we at 350.org were able to organize giant demonstrations last year — 5,200 of them in 181 countries, what Foreign Policy called “the largest ever coordinated global rally of any kind." We did it the way Kennedy did, by rallying people around a hard goal instead of an easy one: 350 parts per million of carbon dioxide which, according to NASA scientists, is the most we can safely have in the atmosphere. Since we’re already past that point — at 390 ppm — we need to work harder than we could ever have imagined. We really do need to get off oil in the coming decade. 

But to have a chance we need a leader. We need someone to stand up and tell it the way it is, and in language so compelling and dramatic it sets us on a new path. On this planet of nearly seven billion, at this moment in history, there’s exactly one person who could play that role. And so far he hasn’t decided.”

http://www.guernicamag.com/blog/1808/bill_mckibben_if_there_was_eve_1/

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

In St. Pete Beach on Monday, Gov. Charlie Crist sympathized with local business owners who complained that they’re are already registering losses. The governor said it was “pretty definite” he would call for a legislative special session as early as July to consider a constitutional amendment that would ban offshore drilling off Florida, coupled with the possibility of looking at renewable energy options, in an effort to move toward “more green” technologies.

 

Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/06/07/1668694_p2/spreading-oil-spill-changes-response.html#ixzz0qEeeNxKn

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com 

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

In a  seminar this morning on the pressure in business for rapid chance, and the resistance to this pressure (for example, how damaging it is to most small business), it got clear to me that one of the key reasons conservatives are opposed to "evolution" is that it implies acquiescence, or even embracing, change, especially social institutional change. And not just change, but particularly change that is not human nor god driven (or at least a reflection of a benevolent universe), but just a dumb and blind mechanical process.

Douglass Carmichael doug@dougcarmichael.com MAHB Millennium  Assessment of Human Behavior http://mahb.stanford.edu  Stanford Media X , Stanford Stratgey Studios and  Palo Alto StrategyStudios Book draft  at http://gardenworldpolitics.com  Palo Alto tues-thurs cell 206-388-7712 Russian River 707-865-0433

Posted via email from Doug Carmichael reflections

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